Evidence in the excerpt best corroborates which of the following broader historical contexts?

"Your Memorialist . . . represents to your honorable body, that he has devoted much time and attention to the subject of a railroad from Lake Michigan through the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and that he finds such a route practicable, the results from which would be incalculable—far beyond the imagination of man to estimate. . . .
"It would enable us, in the short space of eight days (and perhaps less) to concentrate all the forces of our vast country at any point from Maine to Oregon. . . . Such easy and rapid communication with such facilities for exchanging the different products of the different parts would bring all our immensely wide spread population together. . . .
"[W]ith a railroad to the Pacific, and thence to China by steamers, can be performed in thirty days, being now a distance of nearly seventeen thousand miles. . . Then the drills and sheetings of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, and other manufactures of the United States, may be transported to China in thirty days; and the teas and rich silks of China, in exchange, come back to New Orleans, to Charleston, to Washington, to Baltimore, to Philadelphia, New York, and to Boston, in thirty days more."
Asa Whitney, merchant, "National Railroad, Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean," memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 1845
Sentiments of business leaders and politicians like that expressed in the excerpt most likely contributed to which of the following?
A
Widespread acceptance of moral reform movements
B
The creation of diplomatic ties with foreign nations
C
A sharp decline in immigration from European countries
D
A fostering of new religious understanding

"Your Memorialist . . . represents to your honorable body, that he has devoted much time and attention to the subject of a railroad from Lake Michigan through the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and that he finds such a route practicable, the results from which would be incalculable—far beyond the imagination of man to estimate. . . .
"It would enable us, in the short space of eight days (and perhaps less) to concentrate all the forces of our vast country at any point from Maine to Oregon. . . . Such easy and rapid communication with such facilities for exchanging the different products of the different parts would bring all our immensely wide spread population together. . . .
"[W]ith a railroad to the Pacific, and thence to China by steamers, can be performed in thirty days, being now a distance of nearly seventeen thousand miles. . . Then the drills and sheetings of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, and other manufactures of the United States, may be transported to China in thirty days; and the teas and rich silks of China, in exchange, come back to New Orleans, to Charleston, to Washington, to Baltimore, to Philadelphia, New York, and to Boston, in thirty days more."
Asa Whitney, merchant, "National Railroad, Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean," memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 1845
The excerpt best reflects which of the following developments?
A
Popular support for the idea of Manifest Destiny
B
The emergence of nativist political parties
C
The collapse of the Second Party System
D
The increase in sectional tensions before the Civil War

"Your Memorialist . . . represents to your honorable body, that he has devoted much time and attention to the subject of a railroad from Lake Michigan through the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and that he finds such a route practicable, the results from which would be incalculable—far beyond the imagination of man to estimate. . . .
"It would enable us, in the short space of eight days (and perhaps less) to concentrate all the forces of our vast country at any point from Maine to Oregon. . . . Such easy and rapid communication with such facilities for exchanging the different products of the different parts would bring all our immensely wide spread population together. . . .
"[W]ith a railroad to the Pacific, and thence to China by steamers, can be performed in thirty days, being now a distance of nearly seventeen thousand miles. . . Then the drills and sheetings of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, and other manufactures of the United States, may be transported to China in thirty days; and the teas and rich silks of China, in exchange, come back to New Orleans, to Charleston, to Washington, to Baltimore, to Philadelphia, New York, and to Boston, in thirty days more."
Asa Whitney, merchant, "National Railroad, Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean," memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 1845
Which of the following most directly contributed to the request expressed in the excerpt?
A
The removal of Native Americans east of the Mississippi
B
The passage of legislation ending the international slave trade
C
The desire for international trade and access to global markets
D
The expansion of westward settlement following the Civil War

"Yes: Mexico must be thoroughly chastised! . . . The news of yesterday [at the southern border] has added the last argument wanted to prove the necessity of an immediate Declaration of War by our government toward its southern neighbor.
"We are justified in the face of the world, in having treated Mexico with more forbearance [tolerance] than we have ever yet treated an enemy. . . . We have . . . submitted thus far to a most offensive rejection of an Ambassador personifying the American nation, and waited for years without payment of the claims of our injured merchants. We have sought peace through every avenue, and shut our eyes to many things, which, had they come from England or France, the President would not have dared to pass over without stern and speedy resentment. We have dammed up our memory, of what had passed in the South [Texas] years ago—of devilish massacres of some of our bravest and noblest sons . . . in violation of all the rules of war. . . .
"We think there can be no doubt of the truth of yesterday's news; and we are sure the people here, ten to one, are for prompt and hostilities. . . . Let our arms now be carried with a spirit which shall teach the world that, while we are not forward for a quarrel, America knows how to crush, as well as how to expand!"
Walt Whitman, journalist and poet, editorial in the Brooklyn Eagle, 1846
"President [James K. Polk] in his message, as a pretext for sending our army to invade and conquer the country upon the Rio Grande, says: "Texas by its [legislative] act of December 19, 1836, had declared the [Rio Grande] to be the boundary of that [formerly independent] republic.' . . . The truth is that Texas had agreed upon the Nueces [River] as her boundary. . . .
"If [Mexico] be ours, why does he seek to justify the taking possession of it by references to the fact that Mexico is indebted to some of our people? If it be not ours, and he has taken possession of it in order to compel Mexico to pay those debts, why not say so? The fact that Mexico has not paid the debts due to our citizens can have no legitimate connection with taking possession of [it as] our own soil. But [the president] was obviously conscious that this invasion of the Mexican territory could not be justified. . . .
"When the Executive and Congress openly and avowedly took upon themselves the responsibility of extending and perpetuating slavery by the annexation of Texas, and by the total overthrow and subversion of the Constitution, . . . my confidence in the stability of our institutions was shaken, destroyed. . . . Our Union continues, but our Constitution is gone. . . .
". . . No man regards this war as just. We know, the country knows, and the civilized world are conscious, that it has resulted from a desire to extend and sustain an institution on which the curse of the Almighty most visibly rests."
Joshua Giddings, congressman from Ohio, speech in the United States House of Representatives, 1846
Which of the following is a similarity between how Whitman and Giddings made their arguments?
A
Both used examples of Mexico's behavior to support their points.
B
Both sought to justify their positions to international observers.
C
Both drew on principles from the Constitution to make claims.
D
Both made religious appeals to prove their assertions.

"Yes: Mexico must be thoroughly chastised! . . . The news of yesterday [at the southern border] has added the last argument wanted to prove the necessity of an immediate Declaration of War by our government toward its southern neighbor.
"We are justified in the face of the world, in having treated Mexico with more forbearance [tolerance] than we have ever yet treated an enemy. . . . We have . . . submitted thus far to a most offensive rejection of an Ambassador personifying the American nation, and waited for years without payment of the claims of our injured merchants. We have sought peace through every avenue, and shut our eyes to many things, which, had they come from England or France, the President would not have dared to pass over without stern and speedy resentment. We have dammed up our memory, of what had passed in the South [Texas] years ago—of devilish massacres of some of our bravest and noblest sons . . . in violation of all the rules of war. . . .
"We think there can be no doubt of the truth of yesterday's news; and we are sure the people here, ten to one, are for prompt and hostilities. . . . Let our arms now be carried with a spirit which shall teach the world that, while we are not forward for a quarrel, America knows how to crush, as well as how to expand!"
Walt Whitman, journalist and poet, editorial in the Brooklyn Eagle, 1846
"President [James K. Polk] in his message, as a pretext for sending our army to invade and conquer the country upon the Rio Grande, says: "Texas by its [legislative] act of December 19, 1836, had declared the [Rio Grande] to be the boundary of that [formerly independent] republic.' . . . The truth is that Texas had agreed upon the Nueces [River] as her boundary. . . .
"If [Mexico] be ours, why does he seek to justify the taking possession of it by references to the fact that Mexico is indebted to some of our people? If it be not ours, and he has taken possession of it in order to compel Mexico to pay those debts, why not say so? The fact that Mexico has not paid the debts due to our citizens can have no legitimate connection with taking possession of [it as] our own soil. But [the president] was obviously conscious that this invasion of the Mexican territory could not be justified. . . .
"When the Executive and Congress openly and avowedly took upon themselves the responsibility of extending and perpetuating slavery by the annexation of Texas, and by the total overthrow and subversion of the Constitution, . . . my confidence in the stability of our institutions was shaken, destroyed. . . . Our Union continues, but our Constitution is gone. . . .
". . . No man regards this war as just. We know, the country knows, and the civilized world are conscious, that it has resulted from a desire to extend and sustain an institution on which the curse of the Almighty most visibly rests."
Joshua Giddings, congressman from Ohio, speech in the United States House of Representatives, 1846
Which of the following comparisons best describes Whitman's and Giddings' arguments about the Mexican-American War?
A
Whitman believed the United States should show patience before war, while Giddings believed the country had tolerated abuses for too long without war.
B
Whitman argued that the war was intended to deter bad behavior, while Giddings argued that the war represented aggression by the United States.
C
Giddings asserted that the nation entered the war as a last resort, while Whitman asserted that the war was unnecessary to achieve the goals of the United States.
D
Giddings claimed that the war had popular support in the United States, while Whitman claimed that most Americans opposed the war.

"Yes: Mexico must be thoroughly chastised! . . . The news of yesterday [at the southern border] has added the last argument wanted to prove the necessity of an immediate Declaration of War by our government toward its southern neighbor.
"We are justified in the face of the world, in having treated Mexico with more forbearance [tolerance] than we have ever yet treated an enemy. . . . We have . . . submitted thus far to a most offensive rejection of an Ambassador personifying the American nation, and waited for years without payment of the claims of our injured merchants. We have sought peace through every avenue, and shut our eyes to many things, which, had they come from England or France, the President would not have dared to pass over without stern and speedy resentment. We have dammed up our memory, of what had passed in the South [Texas] years ago—of devilish massacres of some of our bravest and noblest sons . . . in violation of all the rules of war. . . .
"We think there can be no doubt of the truth of yesterday's news; and we are sure the people here, ten to one, are for prompt and hostilities. . . . Let our arms now be carried with a spirit which shall teach the world that, while we are not forward for a quarrel, America knows how to crush, as well as how to expand!"
Walt Whitman, journalist and poet, editorial in the Brooklyn Eagle, 1846
"President [James K. Polk] in his message, as a pretext for sending our army to invade and conquer the country upon the Rio Grande, says: "Texas by its [legislative] act of December 19, 1836, had declared the [Rio Grande] to be the boundary of that [formerly independent] republic.' . . . The truth is that Texas had agreed upon the Nueces [River] as her boundary. . . .
"If [Mexico] be ours, why does he seek to justify the taking possession of it by references to the fact that Mexico is indebted to some of our people? If it be not ours, and he has taken possession of it in order to compel Mexico to pay those debts, why not say so? The fact that Mexico has not paid the debts due to our citizens can have no legitimate connection with taking possession of [it as] our own soil. But [the president] was obviously conscious that this invasion of the Mexican territory could not be justified. . . .
"When the Executive and Congress openly and avowedly took upon themselves the responsibility of extending and perpetuating slavery by the annexation of Texas, and by the total overthrow and subversion of the Constitution, . . . my confidence in the stability of our institutions was shaken, destroyed. . . . Our Union continues, but our Constitution is gone. . . .
". . . No man regards this war as just. We know, the country knows, and the civilized world are conscious, that it has resulted from a desire to extend and sustain an institution on which the curse of the Almighty most visibly rests."
Joshua Giddings, congressman from Ohio, speech in the United States House of Representatives, 1846
Based on their arguments in the excerpts, Giddings would likely agree with and Whitman would likely disagree with which of the following claims about the causes of the Mexican-American War?
A
The United States sought the repayment of Mexican debts.
B
Mexico had killed Americans during a previous conflict in Texas.
C
The United States desired to expand slavery to Mexican territory.
D
Mexico had sent soldiers across the southern border of the United States.

"The American Republicans of the city and county of Philadelphia, who are determined to support the NATIVE [White, Protestant] AMERICANS in their Constitutional Rights of peaceably assembling to express their opinions on any question of Public Policy, and to SUSTAIN THEM AGAINST THE ASSAULTS OF ALIENS AND FOREIGNERS are requested to assemble on MONDAY AFTERNOON, May 6th, 1844 at 4 o'clock, at the corner of Master and Second street, Kensington [a section of Philadelphia], to express their indignation [anger] at the outrage on Friday evening last, which was perpetrated by the Irish Catholics."
Text from a poster announcing a meeting of the American Republican Party, later renamed the American Party, Philadelphia, 1844
The language in the excerpt was most likely interpreted as promoting which of the following?
A
States' rights
B
Nativist sentiment
C
Religious pluralism
D
Abolitionist activism

"The American Republicans of the city and county of Philadelphia, who are determined to support the NATIVE [White, Protestant] AMERICANS in their Constitutional Rights of peaceably assembling to express their opinions on any question of Public Policy, and to SUSTAIN THEM AGAINST THE ASSAULTS OF ALIENS AND FOREIGNERS are requested to assemble on MONDAY AFTERNOON, May 6th, 1844 at 4 o'clock, at the corner of Master and Second street, Kensington [a section of Philadelphia], to express their indignation [anger] at the outrage on Friday evening last, which was perpetrated by the Irish Catholics."
Text from a poster announcing a meeting of the American Republican Party, later renamed the American Party, Philadelphia, 1844
Which of the following historical situations can best be used to explain how the excerpt would have been interpreted at the time?
A
The rise in immigration to the United States
B
The decline of the international slave trade
C
The expansion of manufacturing in the South
D
The start of the women's rights movement

"The American Republicans of the city and county of Philadelphia, who are determined to support the NATIVE [White, Protestant] AMERICANS in their Constitutional Rights of peaceably assembling to express their opinions on any question of Public Policy, and to SUSTAIN THEM AGAINST THE ASSAULTS OF ALIENS AND FOREIGNERS are requested to assemble on MONDAY AFTERNOON, May 6th, 1844 at 4 o'clock, at the corner of Master and Second street, Kensington [a section of Philadelphia], to express their indignation [anger] at the outrage on Friday evening last, which was perpetrated by the Irish Catholics."
Text from a poster announcing a meeting of the American Republican Party, later renamed the American Party, Philadelphia, 1844
Historians could best use the excerpt as an example of which of the following?
A
Expansion of voting rights during the Jackson administration
B
Debates over the separation of church and state in the United States
C
Advocacy for policies promoting the idea of Manifest Destiny
D
Political responses to changing demographics in the United States

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers.
"Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision."
Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850
The excerpt best reflects which of the following historical situations?
A
Congressional leaders sought political compromise to resolve discord between the North and the South.
B
States in the Great Lakes region advocated to legalize slavery within their borders.
C
Senators appealed to the idea of American exceptionalism to encourage national unity.
D
The Supreme Court decision in the Dred Scott case reduced sectional conflict within the United States.

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers.
"Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision."
Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850
Evidence in the excerpt best corroborates which of the following broader historical contexts?
A
Expanded trade between the East and West Coasts and with Asia divided the country in new ways.
B
Abolitionist activity undermined the ability of new territories to achieve statehood.
C
Southern states sought more proslavery seats in the United States Congress.
D
New political parties such as the Know-Nothings threatened the system of slavery.

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers.
"Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision."
Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850
The position expressed by Clay in the excerpt best serves as evidence of which of the following?
A
Northern politicians showed less interest in California than Southern politicians.
B
The United States Senate could not agree on treaty terms with Mexico.
C
The acquisition of new territories created disputes over the expansion of slavery.
D
Nativist groups opposed incorporating new states into the Union.

"The Vigilance Committee of Boston inform you that the MOCK TRIAL of the poor Fugitive Slave has been further postponed....
Come down, then, Sons of the Puritans: for even if the poor victim is to be carried off by the brute force of arms, and delivered over to Slavery, you should at least be present to witness the sacrifice, and you should follow him in sad procession with your tears and prayers, and then go home and take such action as your manhood and your patriotism may suggest.
Come, then, by the early trains on MONDAY, and rally.... Come with courage and resolution in your hearts; but, this time, with only such arms as God gave you."
Proclamation addressed "To the Yeomanry of New England," Boston, 1854
The issuing of documents such as the proclamation generally had which of the following effects?
A
Accumulating support for the theory of slavery as a positive good
B
Encouraging armed rebellions by enslaved people in the South
C
Increasing the visibility of organized opposition to slavery
D
Improving relations between native-born residents and recent Catholic immigrants

"The Vigilance Committee of Boston inform you that the MOCK TRIAL of the poor Fugitive Slave has been further postponed....
Come down, then, Sons of the Puritans: for even if the poor victim is to be carried off by the brute force of arms, and delivered over to Slavery, you should at least be present to witness the sacrifice, and you should follow him in sad procession with your tears and prayers, and then go home and take such action as your manhood and your patriotism may suggest.
Come, then, by the early trains on MONDAY, and rally.... Come with courage and resolution in your hearts; but, this time, with only such arms as God gave you."
Proclamation addressed "To the Yeomanry of New England," Boston, 1854
The proclamation most clearly provides evidence for which of the following?
A
The spreading of violence associated with the Kansas-Nebraska Act
B
The failure of the Compromise of 1850 to lessen sectional tensions
C
The abolitionist roots of the Republican Party
D
The absence of racism in antebellum New England

"The Vigilance Committee of Boston inform you that the MOCK TRIAL of the poor Fugitive Slave has been further postponed....
Come down, then, Sons of the Puritans: for even if the poor victim is to be carried off by the brute force of arms, and delivered over to Slavery, you should at least be present to witness the sacrifice, and you should follow him in sad procession with your tears and prayers, and then go home and take such action as your manhood and your patriotism may suggest.
Come, then, by the early trains on MONDAY, and rally.... Come with courage and resolution in your hearts; but, this time, with only such arms as God gave you."
Proclamation addressed "To the Yeomanry of New England," Boston, 1854
The sentiments expressed in the proclamation would have been most widely condemned by White residents of
A
coastal South Carolina
B
northern California
C
western New York
D
western Virginia

"Whether you are or are not, entitled to all the rights of citizenship in this country has long been a matter of dispute to your prejudice. By enlisting in the service of your country at this trial hour, and upholding the National Flag, you stop the mouths of [cynics] and win applause even from the iron lips of ingratitude. Enlist and you make this your country in common with all other men born in the country or out of it. . . .
He who fights the battles of America may claim America as his country—and have that claim respected. Thus in defending your country now against rebels and traitors you are defending your own liberty, honor, manhood and self-respect. . . .
. . . [H]istory shall record the names of heroes and martyrs who bravely answered the call of patriotism and Liberty—against traitors, thieves and assassins—let it not be said that in the long list of glory, composed of men of all nations—there appears the name of no colored man."
Frederick Douglass, excerpt from an editorial, April 1863
Which of the following best explains Douglass' point of view in the excerpt?
A
African American enlistment would enable the Union Army to prevail in the Civil War.
B
Once African American men enlisted, Northern White soldiers would accept them as equals.
C
Shared sacrifice would help advance African American men's claims to United States citizenship.
D
Northern politicians overwhelmingly favored enlistment of African Americans in the Union Army.

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . .
"Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful.
"Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . .
"My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by."
President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861
The excerpt most likely reflects which of the following historical situations?
A
Abraham Lincoln won all of the electoral college votes in the presidential election.
B
Formerly enslaved people were given the right to vote in presidential elections.
C
Southern states refused to participate in the presidential election.
D
States in the South had begun seceding after the presidential election.

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . .
"Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful.
"Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . .
"My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by."
President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861
Evidence in the excerpt best corroborates which of the following?
A
Southern politicians would not abandon slavery, and they believed Lincoln was a threat to that system.
B
Sectional divisions were not as deep as many thought, and there was agreement about gradual abolition.
C
Political leadership in previous administrations had successfully limited sectional conflict.
D
Lincoln viewed foreign influences as serious threats to the stability of the United States.

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . .
"Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful.
"Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . .
"My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by."
President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861
The excerpt best serves as evidence for which of the following developments?
A
Abraham Lincoln attempted to increase the size of the army to regain Southern states.
B
Lincoln rejected allowing any additional states to join the United States.
C
Lincoln sought to avoid violence over the issues that divided the country.
D
Lincoln intended to enforce the Kansas-Nebraska Act.

"Since the surrender of the armies of the confederate States of America a little has been done toward establishing the Government upon true principles of liberty and justice; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them, from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. . . . But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what [ways] have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? . . .
"Unless the rebel states, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . There is more reason why [African American] voters should be admitted in the rebel states. . . . In the states they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those states. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered.
"I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of [the Republican] party depends the safety of this great nation. [If there is not African American suffrage] in the rebel states then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative . . . to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. . . . I am for Negro suffrage in every rebel state. . . . every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty, and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights."
Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, speech to the House of Representatives, 1867
Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to refute Stevens' claim in the excerpt that the Union had done little for formerly enslaved people by 1867?
A
The assistance granted to formerly enslaved people to seek work in Northern factories
B
The creation of schools by the Freedmen's Bureau for formerly enslaved people
C
The widespread redistribution of land from former Confederates to formerly enslaved people
D
The adoption of work as sharecroppers by many formerly enslaved people

"Since the surrender of the armies of the confederate States of America a little has been done toward establishing the Government upon true principles of liberty and justice; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them, from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. . . . But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what [ways] have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? . . .
"Unless the rebel states, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . There is more reason why [African American] voters should be admitted in the rebel states. . . . In the states they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those states. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered.
"I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of [the Republican] party depends the safety of this great nation. [If there is not African American suffrage] in the rebel states then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative . . . to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. . . . I am for Negro suffrage in every rebel state. . . . every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty, and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights."
Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, speech to the House of Representatives, 1867
Which of the following developments could best be used as evidence to support Stevens' claim about African American suffrage in the last paragraph of the excerpt?
A
Republican candidates won most presidential electoral votes in the North in the late 1860s and 1870s.
B
Many Northern business leaders supported the Republican Party during Reconstruction.
C
Democrats dominated the Southern states after suppressing African American voting rights.
D
President Ulysses S. Grant used federal authority to counter voter intimidation in the South.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . .
"Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . .
"[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators."
George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984
"In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . .
"By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . .
"Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . .
"Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law."
Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988
Based on their arguments in the excerpts, both Rable and Foner would most likely agree with which of the following claims?
A
The North achieved its aims for Reconstruction.
B
Federal policy during Reconstruction was inconsistent.
C
Southern resistance hindered Reconstruction.
D
Republicans dominated the South after Reconstruction.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . .
"Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . .
"[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators."
George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984
"In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . .
"By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . .
"Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . .
"Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law."
Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988
Which of the following describes a difference between Rable's and Foner's arguments in the excerpts?
A
Rable asserts that violence in the South achieved its political goals during Reconstruction, whereas Foner asserts that this violence was suppressed at the time.
B
Rable claims that the violence during Reconstruction was unprecedented, whereas Foner claims that this violence followed earlier patterns in United States history.
C
Foner argues that the North lost the will to enforce Reconstruction, whereas Rable argues that the North passed laws carrying out Reconstruction.
D
Foner contends that the South accepted Reconstruction, whereas Rable contends that the South revolted against Reconstruction.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . .
"Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . .
"[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators."
George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984
"In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . .
"By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . .
"Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . .
"Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law."
Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988
Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to modify Foner's main argument in the second excerpt?
A
Many African Americans were elected to the United States Congress for the first time during Reconstruction.
B
Southern states were not permitted to rejoin the Union until they had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment.
C
After 1877 Democrats in the South legislated restrictions on the ability of African Americans to vote.
D
Radical Republicans passed the Civil Rights Act of 1875 to protect African Americans against abuses.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . .
"Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . .
"[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators."
George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984
"In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . .
"By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . .
"Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . .
"Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law."
Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988
Which of the following is a similarity between Rable's and Foner's arguments in the excerpts?
A
Both highlight the use of federal force to uphold the Constitution.
B
Both focus on many Southerners' opposition to racial equality.
C
Both discuss congressional legislation to protect African American suffrage.
D
Both assert that Northerners cared little about the outcome of Reconstruction.

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Which of the following best explains Douglass point of view in the excerpt quizlet?

Which of the following is a similarity between how Whitman and Giddings made their arguments?

Which of the following developments could be best used as evidence to support Stevens claim about African American suffrage in the last paragraph of the excerpt?

Which of the following best explains the reason for the reconciliation described by blight?